Presidential Elections

In two weeks I will be returning to Bamako and sharing my findings in this blog as I write up a report for the Ministry of Education. But for now, here are my observations from the recent election this past Sunday.

Mali just finished up their presidential election. From my observations, there were two major problems. Poor voter turnout was one problem. In some regions only 25% of the eligible voters turned out. I bumped into friends on the street who told me they were not going to vote either because they did not have the chance to return to their villages where they had their registration cards or out of simple apathy [it is sad to see this as I am accustomed to voter apathy in my own country].

The other problem and one that should be taken seriously is the limitations of democracy in African countries. The candidates who have the means to publicize and tour the country are going to have a considerable advantage over candidates that do not have the finances, more so than in western democracies as Africans still lack opportunities in education. Amadou Toumani Touré spent at least twice more than his close contender, Ibrahim Boubacar Keita and after these two the other candidates had very limited exposure to Malian citizens.

Mali is a multiparty democracy but look at the changes since 2002. In 2002, 24 different political parties ran for the presidency. Perhaps this number was excessively gross for voters but this year, 8 political parties campaigned. How many choices will there be in 2012? From Amadou Toumani Touré’s success in gaining a second term I regret that the choices will be greatly reduced from few to one. Should money decide political direction? That is not democracy.

I had little chance to look at press coverage of the candidates while doing my research here in Gao but from what little I saw, they appeared to give candidates equal time on the news programs. That is certainly progress. However, very few Malians have the means or opportunity to see the news. In addition, outside of Bamako and major cities, few Malians are fluent in French. Questions posed to the candidates were all given in French. Using an African language is out of the question as it will create ethnic divisions in Mali. Still, broadcasts in French do exclude many walks of life in Mali, particularly the older generations and people living in the countryside.

In my opinion, Amadou Toumani Touré did everything legal and exercised his right to run for, campaign and win voters in this past election. But one cannot ignore the limitations and restrictions that other candidates had during this previous election. Political practice still needs work in Mali and perhaps during Amadou Toumani Touré’s second term there can be reforms in campaign spending, improvements in voter registration and educational reform. From my point of view, democracy has not reached Mali just yet.

Open Letter to an NGO Worker

I have the unpleasant task of addressing foreigners who work for non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Africa in this posting. I have had numerous pleasant experiences with this group as they are often a source of information, they have helped me out with rides to remote regions and in the process they have become some of my friends. Regretfully, however it will appear as if I am biting the hand that helps with the following words.

I beg of any and all people who come from Europe, Asia and the Americas and come to Africa to engage in development work to tone down the lifestyle that you bring to Africa. Aside from tourists, NGO workers are the only contact many Africans have with outsiders and overwhelmingly the image that they receive is that everyone in the “West” is rich, happy and content with the food products, the services and the latest technologies and gadgets. I am not going to ignore the fact that the material wealth of other regions of the world compared to Africa is unquestionably biased and unequal, but the way in which strangers live in Africa is often seen as superior, while anything that is local is perceived as inferior. That is a great error as there are food products, services and information that are just as good if not better then their equivalents in the West.

Africans, however, are neglecting or rejecting their local resources, services and information to pursue the lifestyle that foreigners bring with them, a lifestyle that they perceive all citizens have in France, the United States, Germany, Japan or other industrialized countries. As an example, I met a Peace Corps volunteer in Guinea-Conakry working in the health sector back in 2001 who was frustrated that local people preferred buying expensive, imported powdered milk instead of using inexpensive local milk that came from goats and cows. I understood her frustration as I had tasted the dairy products in the countryside. It was without a doubt, the best milk and yoghurt I ever ate.

In terms of toning down one’s lifestyle, I do expect that foreigners maintain routines that keep them healthy and productive. If more foreigners however were walking or taking public transportation instead of driving on their motorbikes or cars into the communities where they are working; if Africans saw us drinking and eating local foods that are known to be safe instead of drinking bottled imported sodas and packaged processed foods and if we greeted in local languages instead of a reliance on French, English and Portuguese all the time, in my opinion this could increase the success stories in Africa contrary to the many misunderstandings that pass in development work.

There are obstacles and challenges to what I am proposing, that is clear. But there has to be a start and I suggest to anyone starting a career or long stint in Africa to reflect on how their actions and choices are perceived by local peoples. Trying to break the perception that the “West” is superior is a futile fight in my own experience but the decisions I make regarding transportation, alimentation, lodging and social interaction with Africans are a compromise between maintaining my health and well-being and using local products, services and information. Yes, the “West” has the latest technologies but there are lessons on both sides of the fence that need to be transmitted by both Africans and strangers in development work.

Food Security Issues in Kidal, Mali

The region of Kidal, Mali was originally the first research site of this grant. After a site visit and conversations with local officials there, I chose to shift the first research site to the regions of Gao and Ménaka, Mali. The change comes from the curfew that still exists in Kidal after a few skirmishes between the Malian military and a Touareg separatist group in northeastern Mali, and the restriction of mobility around the smaller communes of Kidal. The following notes are from my visits to the Kidal region and were shared with those in attendance at the 17th Sahel Workshop in Grève, Denmark, November 5th and 6th, 2006.

Food production has declined in Mali, once an exporter of food and now importing grains and other produce from neighboring countries. Literature since the droughts of the 1970s and 1980s has pointed towards a decline in herding and farming as livelihoods and more people shifting into wage labor activities. Recent studies, however, have suggested resurgence in people returning to the land as urban problems and insecurity in wage labor jobs, like mining, have had little appeal to some. Still, returning to farms, flocks and grasslands today is not without its difficulties. The ecology in some regions has altered due to the abandonment fields and pastures during droughts and civil conflicts, urbanization and the competition between urban consumption and local resource management, and also the establishment of natural reserves and parks has reduced the former commons, creating competition between various groups using this natural resource base.

Opinions vary on the definition of food security, but many agree that food production, distribution and markets, cultural and regional preferences and political stability carry great importance in food procurement for a region. Food availability [distribution and markets] is the focus of this paper. Other factors are not less important, they were not possible to investigate considering the time constraints. In terms of peoples’ responses to food scarcity, Africans had a range of strategies ranging from migrations to other regions, collection of wild foods and hunting to a reliance on social, economic and kinship relations between various groups such as the collection of tithes or debts. Investigating the changes in peoples’ responses to food shortage is important, not only to understand the community’s link with the other local communities and external agents involved in the region, but also to provide policy makers effective options to reduce vulnerability to famine and malnutrition.

Kidal is both a town and region in northeastern Mali that has been a challenge to integrate into the Malian state and aid during times of food shortages or political crises. After the rebellion in the 1990s and as part of negotiations that took place between the Bamako and rebel leaders, Kidal became the eighth region, equal and competing for national resources and financing with Mali’s other regions. One could argue at present that political stability in the region is the greatest factor contributing to alimentation but as mentioned before there was not enough time to effectively look at linkages between food security and political stability.

Certain markets and products fare better than others in Kidal. First and foremost, local markets bring dairy products, meat and forage for animals into the markets of Kidal. These products, for the most part are either equal or lower in cost than their counterparts in Gao or Bamako. Transportation costs are minimal if not non-existent for these products. The gardens in the southern part of town provide vegetables from January through March but often their production and seasonality is not satisfactory for local demand. To compensate, there is a weak national market where Bambara and Songhaï families import grains and vegetables from southern parts of Mali. Individuals as far as Sikasso travel back and forth to bring fruits and vegetables to this northern market.

The intraregional black market is a large provider of food and other products for Kidal. Canned goods, grains, bottled juices and water are much cheaper in neighboring Algeria and entrepreneurs both Malian and clandestine that have been deported [often Nigerian nationality] use their connections in Algeria to import non-perishable food and other products into the region. Vendors selling goods smuggled in from Algeria called their activities “les petites choses” but their contribution to food availability is certainly not small.

Some foods are exported from the region but overwhelmingly this is livestock because prices for animals are higher in Algeria and Niger compared to markets in Mali. Vegetables must be high in quality and appearance for regional traders to ship them off to higher-priced markets in southern Mali. Even dates which are produced in Kidal stay in the region as demand exceeds supply. To compensate for this demand, Algerian dates are found in the market more often than locally produced dates.

In conclusion, food availability and prices are relatively better here than in other parts of Mali. Exceptions to this generalization are fresh fruits, vegetables and grains as transportation increases costs and restrict the availability of these foods. Other exceptions involve periods of political crises where transportation of goods from Algeria is both difficult and dangerous. The prices of food goods increased during the rebellion and the recent skirmishes that took place last year in April. Markets fluctuate in their strength but community members and their ties to southern Mali bring in fresh produce from the south seasonally. More important, clandestine groups and locals with ties to Algeria bring in non perishable goods all year long, an essential for the region’s food security.

There are areas for further research here. Interviews with clandestine peoples and their contributions to the communities they now reside in holds promise in uncovering the trade networks and food availability in Kidal as well as other towns in the crossroads of illegal immigration, like Arlit, Niger, Tamanrasset, Algeria and Ghent, Libya. Research will not be easy as these groups have experienced incidents of violence, rape, torture, discrimination, robbery and other atrocities, sometimes at the hands of locals, other times at the hands of authorities, guides or their own kind. Yet understanding their role in these communities is crucial, both to repatriate those who wish to return home at some future point and to integrate those who have made the Saharan trading centre their home. Illegal immigration is detrimental and counter productive for both individuals and countries and must be ended at least for ethical reasons. But to push forward and repatriate people without understanding their contributions to the local community and ignore individual choice in remaining in the Saharan towns will only contribute to further hardship. This paper recommends academics and policy makers to learn more about these new merchants in the Saharan trade.